Abstract:
A growing body of research is converging on the idea that un-Economical representations and derivations are licensed by generating an otherwise unavailable semantic interpretation. The most well-represented case is the ability for a new scope interpretation to license non-local Quantifier Raising (e.g., Fox 2000, Reinhart 2006). This talk asks if other types of semantic interpretations are able to license non-local Quantifier Raising. We will investigate this question with a case study of the novel observation that sloppy pronouns are more restricted in Antecedent-Contained Deletions than they are in standard VP-Ellipsis. A proper account will lead us to conclude that applications of Quantifier Raising are not licensed by virtue of generating a new bound-variable interpretation. This is potentially unexpected given previous accounts of Condition B, where it has been proposed that new bound-variable interpretations can license non-local binding configurations (Heim 1998). These results suggests that there may be separate Economy conditions on movement and binding (e.g., Aoun & Li 2003, cf. Fox 2000).
