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Linguistics Seminar Series - Dr. Jason Overfelt (University of Minnesota)

Event Type
Seminar/Symposium
Sponsor
Linguistics Department
Location
FLB 1080 - Lucy Ellis Lounge
Date
Feb 1, 2018   4:00 - 5:00 pm  
Views
19

Abstract:  

A growing body of research is converging on the idea that un-Economical representations and derivations are licensed by generating an otherwise unavailable semantic interpretation.  The most well-represented case is the ability for a new scope interpretation to license non-local Quantifier Raising (e.g., Fox 2000, Reinhart 2006).  This talk asks if other types of semantic interpretations are able to license non-local Quantifier Raising.  We will investigate this question with a case study of the novel observation that sloppy pronouns are more restricted in Antecedent-Contained Deletions than they are in standard VP-Ellipsis.  A proper account will lead us to conclude that applications of Quantifier Raising are not licensed by virtue of generating a new bound-variable interpretation.  This is potentially unexpected given previous accounts of Condition B, where it has been proposed that new bound-variable interpretations can license non-local binding configurations (Heim 1998).  These results suggests that there may be separate Economy conditions on movement and binding (e.g., Aoun & Li 2003, cf. Fox 2000).

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